Using Social Media in Homicide Caeses

The nature of newspaper coverage of homicide

Free

1. C A Taylor,
2. S B Sorenson

1. UCLA School of Public Health, Los Angeles, California

1. Correspondence to:
 Catherine A Taylor, Violence Prevention Research Grouping, UCLA Schoolhouse of Public Wellness, 650 CE Young Bulldoze Southward, Box 951772, Los Angeles, CA 90095–1772, United states of america; cataylor{at}ucla.edu

Abstract

Objectives: Previous research has shown that some homicides are more than likely than others to receive newspaper coverage (for case, homicides past strangers). The present investigation examined whether, in one case the conclusion has been made to written report on a homicide, the nature of the coverage (that is, how much visibility is given to a story, what information is included, and how a story is written) differs co-ordinate to two key variables, victim ethnicity, and victim-suspect relationship.

Setting: Los Angeles, California (U.s.a.).

Methods: Homicide articles from the 1990–94 issues of the Los Angeles Times were stratified co-ordinate to the predictors of interest (victim ethnicity and victim-doubtable relationship) and a sample was drawn. Data that characterized ii primary aspects of newspaper coverage, prominence and story framing (including background information, story focus, employ of opinions, story tone, and "hook" or leading introductory lines) were abstracted from the articles. Descriptive statistics and cross tabulations were generated. Multivariate analyses were conducted to examine the predictive value of victim ethnicity and victim-suspect relationship on the nature of the newspaper coverage.

Results: Newspaper coverage of homicide was generally factual, episodic, and unemotional in tone. Victim-suspect relationship, but not victim ethnicity, was related to how a story was covered, particularly the story frame. Homicides by intimates were covered consistently differently from other types of homicides; these stories were less likely to be opinion dominated, exist emotional, and begin with a "hook".

Conclusion: Victim-suspect human relationship was related to the nature of coverage of homicides in a large, metropolitan newspaper. Given the agenda setting and issue framing functions of the news media, these findings have implications for the style in which the public and policy makers perceive homicides and, consequently, for the back up afforded to various types of solutions for addressing and preventing violence.

• newspaper coverage
• homicide
• ethnicity
• partner violence

Statistics from Altmetric.com

• newspaper coverage
• homicide
• ethnicity
• partner violence

The recent dominant discourse well-nigh violence in our society has been primarily focused on the entertainment media and its potential for harmful effects on children.^{1– iv} Although the connectedness betwixt amusement media and violence deserves farther exploration and attention, the role of the news media should not exist ignored in discussions of violence prevention. The mass media, specially tv set and newspapers, are a primary source of information for the full general public about offense and violence.⁵ News stories about violence, intentionally or not, provide the public with a critical framework for thinking almost violence, its causes and solutions. The news media has the unique power to tell people what to think about and how to call up about it—two functions which tin take a critical impact on public health practice and policy.^{6– 9}

The power of news organizations to influence what people think about, ofttimes referred to every bit agenda setting, comes from their power to choose the stories that volition gain media attention.^{half-dozen, 8– 10} Greater visibility of an outcome leads to greater public awareness and concern for an issue. For example, despite the fact that most children are safer in schoolhouse than they are at home or in their neighborhood,¹¹ the unprecedented news coverage of certain US school shootings in the 1990s led many to believe that US schools were unsafe. This media coverage not only focused the attention of the general public, but that of policymakers also. In Youth Violence: A Study of the Surgeon General, the offset lines of the preface read as follows: "The firsthand impetus for this Surgeon General's Report on Youth Violence was the Columbine Loftier School tragedy that occurred in Colorado in April 1999 . . . In the aftermath of that shocking event, both the Administration and Congress requested a report summarizing what research has revealed to us about youth violence, its causes, and its prevention".ⁱⁱ

The choices made past the news media to cover some events but not others are non random. A disproportionate share of news coverage is dedicated to homicide, a relatively rare class of violent law-breaking.^v In addition, particular types of homicide victims (for example, female, young, those from wealthier neighborhoods, and those killed by a stranger) have been over-represented in news coverage, whereas other victims (for example, black, Hispanic, those killed without firearms, and those killed by an intimate partner) have been under-represented.^{12– 14} Misrepresentations such every bit these, regardless of intent, tend to skew public sensation and perceptions nigh the prevalence and nature of public wellness issues—in this instance, violence.^{15, xvi} For example, despite the fact that the most likely victims and perpetrators of United states of america school shootings are African-American and Hispanic males in poor, urban environments, Usa news coverage of these events led many to believe that about school violence takes place in white, suburban or rural areas.^{two, 11}

The manner in which an event or issue is presented in the news media tin can besides have an bear on on noesis and agreement of public health issues. However, due to economic considerations, value judgments, and social norms, at that place is wide variation in how stories get covered.¹⁷ There are 2 main aspects of the nature of news coverage: prominence and framing. The prominence, or visibility, of a story refers to things that signify the relative importance of the story compared to others in the paper; for example, where is the story placed, how long is it, and does information technology contain photographs? Story framing, by dissimilarity, refers to " . . . the process by which someone packages a group of facts to create a story (p 68)".⁹ Language used, sources and opinions cited, what groundwork information is provided, and how the story is begun and focused are all elements of a story frame. How a story is framed tin contribute substantially to readers' or viewers' thoughts, feelings, and ideas nearly arraign and responsibleness for an issue.^eighteen

It is critical to consider how the nature of newspaper coverage might affect public opinion, influence public policy, and have an impact on the allocation of resources for wellness bug. For example, news reports rarely describe the broader social context associated with violence.¹⁹ Focusing on violence equally an episodic rather than a thematic issue tin can influence the public's attribution of responsibleness for both the causes of and the solutions for violence.^eighteen This could subsequently, or independently, make policymakers more than likely to focus on individual oriented solutions (for example, penalisation) rather than broad, societal based violence prevention efforts.

Considering several victim characteristics are associated with whether a homicide receives newspaper coverage,^{12– 14} information technology is likewise of import to understand how victim characteristics are related to the nature of reporting. 1 variable believed to be related to how the news gets reported is ethnicity (for case, minority victims may be presented less favorably in the news). Some other fundamental variable that might be related to how news nigh homicide is reported is the blazon of homicide (for instance, a gang related homicide). The present study examined whether these 2 fundamental characteristics of homicide victims—victim ethnicity and victim-suspect human relationship—were related to how homicides were covered in a large, metropolitan paper. Specifically, does the style in which a homicide is reported differ by the victim'southward ethnicity or the victim's relationship to the suspect?

METHODS

Sample selection and data sources

This investigation focused on stories about homicides published in the Los Angeles Times. The Los Angeles Times serves a very diverse population and is second simply to the New York Times in newspaper circulation in the U.s.a.. From 1990 to 1994, the Los Angeles Times published 2782 stories nearly a total of 1241 homicide victims. The paper prepared a large dataset on the manufactures as well as on all criminal homicides that occurred in the county during those years. The data provided the basis for a five part series published in Dec 1996 that was nominated for a Pulitzer Prize and comprised office of the data for the present report.

The Los Angeles Times database provided story information (for example, department of paper, page number, number of words, publication engagement) likewise as homicide data from state and canton offices including the California Section of Justice, Office of Vital Records and Statistics, Los Angeles Canton Section of the Coroner, and Los Angeles Canton Municipal and Superior Courts. The state and canton offices provided information on victims and suspects including historic period, gender, ethnicity, and relationship.

The sample of articles used for this study was called by stratifying the 2782 homicide articles using 2 variables: ethnicity of the victim (Asian, black, Hispanic, white) and relationship of the victim to the suspect (acquaintance, child, gang, intimate, stranger). Stories about Hispanic victims, who institute the largest ethnic group of homicide victims reported in the Los Angeles Times, were used equally alphabetize cases for matching purposes. Forty five Hispanic victim articles were randomly selected, x from each adult relationship category—acquaintance, gang, intimate, and stranger—and 5 from the child category. (The number of stories virtually the homicide of a child is less simply because fewer such manufactures were published.) Articles for the Asian, black, and white strata were obtained by matching on 2 variables, victim-suspect human relationship and publication engagement, using stories published as closely as possible in time to those near Hispanic victims. Because fewer stories were published about Asian and white homicide victims, a friction match could not be constitute for each alphabetize article. Table 1 reports the strata and numbers of the articles selected.

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Table 1

Newspaper articles by sample strata: victim ethnicity and victim-suspect human relationship

Data coding procedure

Copies of the 156 selected manufactures were made from microfiche and news coverage variables were abstracted. All articles went through two full reviews by independent coders (graduate students). After the get-go review, variable definitions were refined and a second review was conducted. The average inter-rater reliability for all nine abstracted variables was 88%, with agreement ranging from 84% to 98%. Some variation between reviews was expected due to coder subjectivity besides as slight amending of definitions due to refinement. As a further consistency check, a x% random sample of the reviewed articles was fatigued and a third review was conducted by the 2nd reviewer. Classifications remained consistent for eight of the variables; ane variable, "genre", was again refined and the variable was recoded again for all 156 articles.

Paper coverage variables examined

This study focused on two aspects of roofing a homicide story—prominence in the newspaper and story frame. Three of the variables used to appraise an article'due south prominence were taken directly from the Los Angeles Times database—section of the paper, page in section, and number of words—while ii were abstracted from article copies. These included the placement of an article on a page (higher up or below the fold) and whether photographs were included in a story.

Story framing goes beyond the facts of a homicide to add together depth to the persons involved, provide a social context, and provide an overall angle on how to call up and feel about an incident. The following story frame variables were abstracted from the sample of manufactures and coded dichotomously according to the process described above: (i) victim background, (two) suspect background, (3) issue background, (4) apply of a claw, (5) focus of the story, (6) genre, and (7) tone.

Victim and suspect background were coded as positive when whatever descriptive information was provided nigh the victim or suspect beyond basic facts such every bit age, gender, and race or ethnicity. In other words, whatsoever attempts to provide more depth to the victim or suspect were coded every bit "yep" for victim and suspect background. Similarly, if there was any mention of the broader social context and issues of business organisation related to the homicide, and then issue background was coded positively.

A claw was defined as a first or second sentence in an article that focused on a catchy homo interest element to the story rather than on facts. Hooks are used to draw a reader into a story. For instance, a story with a hook might start out with, "A community is in shock today as a woman much loved and respected was murdered . . .", whereas a story without a hook might brainstorm with, "A 30 yr old woman was killed . . .". Each story was coded to indicate whether or not it had a hook.

The focus of a story was categorized as episodic or thematic. A story was coded as episodic if it focused on a particular incident or incidents rather than on the broader consequence. To be classified as thematic, a story had to focus on a broader issue of which the fatal violence was a part (for example, child corruption, gang violence). For example, a thematic article might embed a gang homicide incident within a larger story nearly the history of gang violence in a detail neighborhood or a child's death within a story about the larger result of kid abuse.

Genre was coded every bit primarily factual or opinion based. Stories were coded as factual when journalists primarily transmitted unattributed statements and relatively objective facts. In contrast, stories were coded as opinion based when they were dominated past quotes from whatsoever sources or subjective personal descriptions (that is, beyond demographics), or when they were mainly consequence narratives (that is, more like story telling than fact telling). Quotes by and large add a personal angle to a story; for example: "Her blood brother said, `She was a devoted mother'" or "The officer said, `This is the worst case I've seen'". An case of a subjective personal description is: "Neighbors described the man equally friendly and always willing to lend a helping hand". These are subjective because other persons might not take perceived the person or situation in the aforementioned way, thus, it is data that gives the story a selected bending.

Tone was classified as non-emotional or emotional. Stories were coded every bit non-emotional if feelings were not transmitted in the coverage. Stories were considered emotional if ane or more sources, mostly personal, raised feelings such as sadness, loss, or shock in the story. The post-obit are some "emotional" tone examples: "The master said that the whole schoolhouse mourned the loss of their hero", or "His female parent said, `I don't know how I will e'er become over this'", or "The neighbor said, `I just can't believe this happened'".

Data analysis

Descriptive statistics were generated to provide general information well-nigh the sampled homicide articles. Simple analyses were conducted using cross tabulations and χ² tests to examine associations between the predictor variables and each of the result variables. In add-on to findings that run into the usual criterion of p<0.05, we included those at p<0.x due to their potential noun interest to some readers.

Multivariate analyses were conducted using binary, ordinal, and categorical logistic regression equations modeled to exam the human relationship between the two predictors (victim ethnicity and victim-suspect relationship) and the identified newspaper coverage variables. Adjusted odds ratios and 95% confidence intervals were calculated to measure differences in paper coverage by the two predictors. Stories with white victims and victims whose assailants were strangers were chosen every bit the reference groups since these victims tend to be more than represented in the news than others.

RESULTS

Description of newspaper coverage

The majority of sampled homicide manufactures were printed in the 2nd section of the newspaper on folio ane or two of that section (see table two). At to the lowest degree half were printed "above the fold", and most consisted of 500 or fewer words. Virtually stories (71.ii%) did not include photographs.

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Table 2

Newspaper coverage variables

Most articles did not study on the victim's or the suspect's groundwork, nor were background issues discussed. Most articles did not contain a hook (69.9%) and were predominantly episodic (85.9%), factual (74.iv%), and non-emotional (66.0%). Additionally, half of the homicides were murder-robberies (17.3%), murder-suicides (16.0%), or gang motivated (xvi.vii%).

In the post-obit results sections, findings of substantive importance will exist described as well as those that reached statistical significance.

Newspaper coverage by predictors: cantankerous tabulations

The prominence or visibility of a homicide story was generally non associated with victim ethnicity (run into tabular array iii). Although there were significant differences in story placement on a folio by victim ethnicity (χ² = thirteen.six₍₆₎, p = 0.04), information technology is of import to annotation that folio placement could non be determined for 24% of the stories. Stories about blackness victims were least likely to exist classified every bit "higher up the fold" (χ² = 9.65_(one), p = 0.002), while stories about Asian victims were well-nigh probable to be classified "above the fold" (χ² = 5.ninety_(i), p = 0.015). Homicides of child and gang victims were given the most visibility overall in the newspaper, although none of these associations were statistically significant. Gang homicide stories were more likely than others to appear in the first department of the newspaper (25.0%), to have over 500 words (44.4%), and to have photographs (37.0%). Child victim stories were more likely than others to be printed on page i (47.1%) and to be above the fold (70.6%).

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Tabular array three

Newspaper coverage "prominence" variables (%), by victim ethnicity and victim-doubtable relationship

Every bit shown in table 4, white and Asian victims were more than likely to have a story with a positive or more than descriptive frame. (Although of substantive interest, none of these associations were statistically significant.) Articles most white homicide victims were more likely to discuss the victim's background (36.viii%), accept a hook (34.ii%), and be opinion ascendant (34.2%); stories near Asian victims were more than likely to discuss the suspect's background (25.0%), have a thematic focus (21.4%), and have an emotional tone (42.nine%). White (18.4%) and Asian (17.9%) victim stories were both more likely to include a word of background issues.

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Table 4

Newspaper coverage "story frame" variables (%), by victim ethnicity and victim-suspect human relationship

Overall, stories regarding child and gang homicide victims appear to take been framed with more of a human interest angle than those concerning other homicide victims. Kid victim articles were nigh likely to contain background information almost both the victim and the suspect, notwithstanding just differences for doubtable background were statistically meaning (overall χ² = 29.five₍₈₎, p = 0.000; child victim χ² = 8.97₍₁₎, p = 0.003). Gang homicide articles were more probable to have a thematic focus and to hash out background issues, but only result background differences were statistically pregnant (overall χ² = 17.ane_(iv), p = 0.002; gang victim χ² = 12.91_(ane), p = 0.000).

In contrast, stories nearly intimate partner homicides were less likely to have humanistic story frames. These articles rarely discussed background issues (3.0%) or fabricated use of a hook (9.ane%). They were also rarely thematic (3.0%), stance based (9.1%), or emotional in tone (15.2%). Statistically pregnant differences were plant regarding issue background (overall χ² = 17.1₍₄₎, p = 0.002; intimate homicides χ² = four.57₍₁₎, p = 0.03) and use of a claw (overall χ² = xi.8₍₄₎, p = 0.02; intimate victims χ² = 8.fourscore₍₁₎, p = 0.003). Although overall comparisons for genre and tone did not attain statistical significance (both were p<0.10), specific comparisons of intimate partner homicide compared with other articles were statistically significant for genre (χ² = 6.01_(ane), p = 0.01) and tone (χ² = 6.61₍₁₎, p = 0.01).

Multivariate analyses

Consistent with the unproblematic cross tabulation findings, newspaper coverage (that is, prominence and story frame) was not statistically associated with victim ethnicity when victim-suspect relationship was taken into consideration (see table v). Withal, some of the findings may be of substantive involvement. For example, stories about Asian victims were less likely to talk over the victim'due south groundwork and less likely to exist stance based, adapted odds ratio = 0.33 and 0.34, respectively, both with p<0.10.

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Table 5

Adjusted odds ratios (and 95% confidence intervals) for the likelihood of newspaper coverage outcomes, based on victim ethnicity and victim-suspect relationship

In contrast, victim-suspect human relationship predicted aspects of coverage more than oft, specially the fashion in which a story was framed. Coverage differed virtually consistently for one blazon of human relationship—intimate partner homicides. In comparing with stranger homicide manufactures, those concerning intimate victims had less overall visibility and more than perfunctory story frames than the others examined. Nine out of 12 adjusted odds ratios indicated lower likelihoods of prominence and descriptive, humanistic story frames for intimate victim articles; three of these findings were statistically significant. Findings for other types of relationships will be presented showtime.

Stories near gang homicides tended to garner greater visibility and more descriptive story frames, with almost 75% of the variables examined having adjusted odds ratios greater than 1. Two of these findings were statistically significant. Gang homicide articles were almost x times more likely to talk over the relevant background upshot (in this case, gang violence), and they were almost six times more likely to exist printed in the offset section of the paper (both p<0.05). In contrast, none of the examined variables were statistically meaning for associate homicides, although there was a trend for these stories to appear more oft in the front section of the paper (p<0.10).

Child victim homicides also tended to exist given greater prominence and more descriptive story frames, with ii thirds of the variables examined having adjusted odds ratios greater than 1. Stories about child homicide victims were half dozen.v times more probable to hash out the suspect's background (p<0.05); the suspect was by and large a parent. Of noun interest, these articles were more likely to address the relevant background issue of child abuse and to be printed on the top half of the page (both p<0.10).

The overall moving-picture show for intimate partner homicide stories stood in dissimilarity to all other victim-doubtable categories. Seventy five per cent of the examined variables had adjusted odds ratios less than 1, suggesting that overall, these articles were less visible and less probable to accept a descriptive, humanistic story frame. While no prominence variables were statistically significant, intimate homicide articles tended non to have photos (p<0.ten). Three of the story frame variables were statistically significant at p<0.05. Stories about intimate partner homicide victims were less probable to exist emotional, less likely to exist opinion dominated, and less probable to make use of a hook to draw in the reader (adjusted odds ratios = 0.23, 0.23, and 0.xiii, respectively).

Although "focus" was not statistically significant, it is important to note that but one out of the 33 articles almost intimate partner homicide had a "thematic" rather than an "episodic" story frame; the headline for this article was "When women abuse their spouses". Thus, despite the fact that most of the intimate homicide victims in these articles were women, the ane article with a thematic story frame focused on male person victims of corruption. The article stated that "95% of domestic corruption victims are women", then focused on the fact that the woman (in the article) accused of killing her married man "contradicted the statistics".

For about i 3rd of the intimate homicides, the article reported additional details about the relationship betwixt the victim and suspect: they were estranged (21%), the victim was leaving the suspect (6%), and the victim had written merely not filed a restraining lodge against the suspect (iii%). Relationship problems or acute arguments were reported in simply over 1 third (36%) of the intimate homicide stories.

Word

Newspaper coverage of homicide

One cistron ordinarily believed to be related to news coverage is ethnicity. Previous research has documented the association between victim ethnicity and whether a homicide is covered at all.^{12, 14} Other work has establish that story frames often differ when comparing stories about risk for black and white victims.²⁰ Nosotros plant no such association for the nature of homicide coverage. Ethnicity of the homicide victim, when victim-suspect relationship was taken into consideration, was non related to the nature of coverage in a large, metropolitan newspaper.

Homicide reporting differed by victim-doubtable relationship, even when victim ethnicity was taken into account. The most consistent differences were observed in how articles nigh homicides by intimate partners compared to those near homicides by strangers. Gang related and child homicides were likewise covered differently, while those committed by acquaintances were covered very similarly to homicides past strangers. Stories most intimate homicide victims were less likely to be given a human interest bending through the use of opinions and emotional tones, or by opening with sentences that would hook the reader. Manufactures about gang homicides were more likely to appear in the first department of the paper and also to address broader issues related to the homicide. While 37% of gang homicide manufactures addressed the consequence of gang violence, just ane of the 33 intimate partner articles addressed domestic violence as a social outcome. Moreover, the sole story that discussed domestic violence as an upshot focused on women's violence confronting men, a type of violence that is less probable to outcome in injury than men'south violence against women.

The nature of news media coverage generally reflects a combination of economic pressures and the professional values of the journalist.¹⁷ Once they decide to cover a homicide, the Los Angeles Times appears to do so in a comparable manner across ethnic groups and victim-suspect human relationship, with intimate homicides beingness the main exception. Newspapers may be reluctant to "aggressively" cover stories about domestic violence due to the belief that domestic violence is a private or family thing.^{21, 22} Unfortunately, the subjective choices made in media coverage can pb to unrealistic perceptions and biases regarding the effect of violence against women, some of which tend to blame the victim or otherwise shift ideas about responsibility.^{22– 28}

Because this study reports on news manufactures that were published before the O J Simpson case, 1 might wonder whether news reporting on domestic violence has shifted since the news media rediscovered domestic violence.²² Maxwell and colleagues found that while the corporeality of coverage regarding domestic violence did increment later on the murders of Nicole Brown-Simpson and Ronald Goldman, the nature of the coverage did not differ.²⁹ Before their murders, 23% of the manufactures primarily about domestic violence were socially rather than episodically focused; a percent that remained consistent afterwards. Accordingly, Maxwell et al also institute that most coverage continued to focus blame and responsibility on individual rather than social solutions.

Whereas the corporeality of media coverage may be proportional to the level of attention an issue receives, the nature of the coverage is important in determining the type of attention it gets. News story frames influence how people think nearly problems and how they assign responsibility for causes and solutions.^{18, thirty} Responsibility for solving problems is assigned more often to government or gild when an incident is discussed in its broader social context than when it is described every bit an isolated event.¹⁸ Thus, from a public health perspective, a thematic frame is desirable. Nonetheless, episodic coverage is 5 times more than common than thematic coverage of violence in tv set news.^nineteen Stories that describe in the reader, evoke sympathy, and present opinions are also more likely to garner attention and interest. Not only can framing accept an impact on public opinion, but information technology tin also have a direct or indirect influence on policy decisions (for example, Gandy et al,²⁰ Feigenson and Bailis,³¹ and Jones³²).

Report limitations and future research

Many factors may contribute to how a story is reported in the news media. The focus of the present investigation focused on two key victim variables. Whereas victim-suspect relationship was a consequent predictor of the nature of homicide coverage, it is of import to keep in mind that a number of potential confounders were non examined. Two obvious ones are gender and number of persons killed in an incident. Whereas only almost a third of the homicide victims overall were female, the vast majority of intimate victims were female person, which may explain part of the findings. Although virtually of the homicides had merely one victim, intimate homicides had the highest percentage of multiple victims. Associations between potential covariates (for example, female person gender and intimate partner homicides) precluded simultaneous examination of other factors.

Key points

• Certain characteristics of a homicide accept been associated with the amount of newspaper coverage a homicide receives.

• In follow up, this study examined the nature of newspaper coverage (that is, how a story is written and the prominence given to a story) of homicides in the Los Angeles Times.

• Victim ethnicity and victim-doubtable relationship were examined as predictors of paper coverage.

• Multivariate analyses indicated that while victim ethnicity was not associated with the nature of coverage, victim-suspect relationship was.

• Intimate partner homicides differed nigh from the other homicide types examined in that they were less likely to exist written using a descripive or humanistic story frame.

Futurity research using a dissimilar design and a larger sample size may do good from examining multiple potential covariates simultaneously. For instance, previous research constitute that while intimate partner homicides received less newspaper coverage than expected, homicides with female person victims were more likely to receive coverage.¹⁴ In addition, the present report examined stories in one large, metropolitan newspaper during a v year period. Future research involving newspapers from other locales and other time periods will assistance elucidate whether and how news media coverage relates to characteristics of a homicide.

IMPLICATIONS FOR PREVENTION

In summary, the nature of homicide reporting is critical because the news media can influence public beliefs and perceptions, help establish specific agendas, and influence public policy. Differences in the amount and nature of news coverage are probable to accept a respective influence on the perceived importance of and potential solutions for an result. Given the findings of this and other studies, for case Dorfman et al ¹⁹ and Maxwell et al,²⁹ one could expect members of the general public not to have a population based or public wellness view in considering the ground of and potential solutions for violence. Given that the primary goal of commercially-run media, fifty-fifty news media, is not necessarily education, it is especially critical that public health professionals piece of work to frame stories in a way that will garner media attention.^{nine, x, 33– 36} Violence prevention program and policy strategies are likely to proceeds more attention, support, and resources when efforts are also fabricated to assistance journalists frame their stories in a fashion that invokes public health notions of causality and supports public health solutions to violence.

Before discussing an issue with the media, it is critical for public health professionals to consider how they want their outcome to be framed and ultimately portrayed to the public and policy makers. While journalists are the decision makers regarding how to write a story, guidance from public wellness professionals may help to invoke a public health framework. Some critical elements to consider when deciding how to frame a story include the attributed crusade(s) of the trouble, the furnishings of the problem and/or proposed solution, who supports and opposes these viewpoints, who is responsible for the solution(s), and the credibility of the information sources.³³ For specific examples and example studies on framing public wellness issues including violence, meet Wallack et al,⁹ Chapman and Lupton,³³ and the Berkeley Media Studies Group.³⁴

Acknowledgments

We thank the Los Angeles Times for making these information available for assay. Thanks also to Julie G Peterson Manz and Manissa Pedroza for their help in the early phases of this study and to Richard A Berk for his encouragement about statistical matters. The California Wellness Foundation provided partial support for this research. Findings were presented at the American Public Health Clan annual meeting, 2000, in Boston, MA, and at the Violence Prevention Coalition of Greater Los Angeles biannual meeting, 2001, Los Angeles, CA.

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